It’s widely accepted that with the elections on June 7, 2015 a critical gap would be exceeded. This gap is important for both the ones, who regard the construction of New Turkey as a historical transformation, and the ones, who find this project “destructive”.

This is the season finale of a story formed by “community violations” which have been directed at the guardianship since 1950…. The constitutional amendment on October 2007, which cued the election of the President by the community, was referring to a more radical change. In order for this to be understood, the public had to carry out their first elections on August 10th.

Politics had appealed to the best address in order to overcome the antidemocratic intervention from the military/judiciary, and this position, which had been designed as the castle of the bureaucratic guardianship, had been entrusted to the public. In other words, the 367 decision, April 27th Memorandum and the oppression of the privileged capital and media wasn’t for nothing. It was clear that when this position had been lost, the system not belonging to the public would take a heavy blow and the “recuperation” would require greater costs.

After the election style, which helped to constantly keep the castle in their own hands (other than some exception), on August 10th, someone had attempted to stop Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s rise to that position. With the separation of Erdoğan from AK Party or the CHP-MHP roof candidate, the Presidency experienced the attempt of having the guardianship being taken over by an “individual”. The opposition parties had already been designed with tape recording operations. There was only thing left to do; isolate Erdoğan within AK Party.

However, while accomplishing this through political ways was impossible, the non-political designs also didn’t work out. Then, they needed to find a method that will create critical hesitations within AK Party and the voter-base, and by means of these hesitations, have Erdoğan thinking in this set-up battue.

They attempted to implement this method over “corruption”, which everyone is sensitive towards, and it was quite clever. It was obvious that this was a consortium’s production.

This whole process had been and is still being deciphered. However, understanding the structure of the recent “community violation” is still critical.

The transition from the antidemocratic, rooted and strong systems to the democratic process depends on the gathering of some important factors. Even though the change had imposed itself, the revolutionary situation required being undertaken politically. This condition had been met by Erdoğan and AK Party.

However, ultimately, what we are experiencing is a stern sovereignty struggle. This is not one of the old-style revolutions that can be conducted in a day. This characteristic doesn’t change the basic structure of the struggle, in other words, the unequal situation of the reformist actor, who is forced to play an ‘away game’ with the settled guardianship power.

In this case, it’s clear that the reformist political movement didn’t have a fight under equal conditions, and the enormous power gap should absolutely be overcome. When we ask “how will that happen?” or “how did that happen?” the power accumulation on the leader will be revealed. Of course, that leader was Erdoğan.

By being able to act differently as a leader, who has a high standard deviation, being able to figure out his rivals, being able to make timely and necessary critical decisions, and thanks to the public’s increasing support, a power had been accumulated on Erdoğan. It’s necessary to see that, this accumulation becomes possible, differently from Menderes and Özal, due to Erdoğan’s story’s overlapping with the stories of the large mass of people. This actually referred to a faith union. Twenty-three million people had identified their faiths with Erdoğan’s at an increasing rate. The power of the story played a critical role.

For this very reason, Erdoğan had been targeted. A collective will existed that desired to reroute  the trajectory of the story and break the uniformity. Because, the power accumulated on Erdoğan was the most crucial trump card in the permanent institutionalization of the reforms. Even though this power had been entrusted to Erdoğan, the total transformation energy belongs to the public. Erdoğan is representing it. Including the parallel structure, his firm stance in not sharing this power with anyone, and is rendering him trustable.

The ones, who desire a break-up/conflict to rise between Erdoğan and Davutoğlu, are not aware of the power of the story. They don’t understand that Prime Minister Davutoğlu is also a part of this story, like Erdoğan, and that both of them became partners on a joint cause.

It would be wise to institutionalize this power before they can comprehend it. The people, who are discussing the Presidential system over Erdoğan, know that Erdoğan is a mortal like all of us, and the fear they are spreading is invalid.

What they actually fear is the fact that the public willpower will be permanently institutionalized. Contrarily, the institutionalization will render the public dominant, not Erdoğan.

Because, individuals are temporary, but nations are permanent.